AL BAKER and EMILY VASQUEZ
NY Times
Saturday, February 3, 2007
The New York Police Department released new information
yesterday showing that police officers stopped 508,540
individuals on New York City streets last year — an average
of 1,393 stops per day — often searching them for illegal
weapons. The number was up from 97,296 in 2002, the last
time the department divulged 12 months’ worth of data.
After inquiries by the City Council and civil rights
advocates, the department delivered four bound volumes of
statistics to the Council in midafternoon. The raw data showed
that more than half of those stopped last year were black: an
average of 67,000 per quarter.
At the same time, the average number of people arrested per
quarter as a result of such stops almost doubled to 5,317
last year, from 2,819 in 2002, and summonses nearly
quintupled, to a quarterly average of 7,292 last year from
1,461 in 2002.
Until yesterday, the most recent information released by the
Police Department about how and why it stops people to search
them, sometimes looking for illegal guns, was from 2003,
according to city officials and city and court records. Some
officials have said that lag put the department at odds with a
pair of legal requirements that sprang from public outrage at
the 1999 fatal police shooting of Amadou Diallo, an unarmed
black street peddler.
The department, which rejects such assertions, has not
released numbers from 2004 and 2005, or from the last three
months of 2003.
Those who review the data are now grappling with dual issues:
determining why the Police Department waited so long to
release any new figures, and why it is stopping more
people and searching them.
The issue of these police-public encounters — called “stop
and frisks” — became an emotional flashpoint after the
shooting of Mr. Diallo, whose death in a barrage of 41 police
bullets led to weeks of protests and scores of arrests
outside 1 Police Plaza, in Lower Manhattan.
Many of the protesters contended that there was a pattern of
racial profiling in stop-and-frisks. A state study later in 1999
confirmed racial disparities in such stops.
The guidelines to monitor stop-and-frisks in detail were set
forth in a city law signed in 2001, and in a federal court case
settled by the Bloomberg administration in 2004. Both called for
the Police Department to release to the City Council, four times
a year, basic data about the people who are stopped and
questioned by officers, and the reasons for such encounters.
But until yesterday, it had been a year since the department
reported its stop-and-frisk activity, and those numbers dated
from a three-month period ending in September 2003.
In the meantime, the Civilian Complaint Review Board, an
independent city agency that investigates charges of police
misconduct, found that complaints involving stops and
searches have more than doubled in recent years, increasing
to 2,556 last year from 1,128 in 2003. Complaints involving police stops now account for 33 percent of all complaints, up
from 20 percent in 2003.
At a City Council hearing on Jan. 24, Police Commissioner
Raymond W. Kelly assured council members that his officers were
not practicing racial profiling in street stops.
“Officers are stopping those they reasonably suspect of
committing a crime, based on descriptions and circumstances,”
Mr. Kelly said, “and not on personal bias.”
Paul J. Browne, the chief police spokesman, said later that
the department’s analysis of the numbers showed that while 55.2
percent of the stop encounters last year involved blacks, 68.5
percent of crimes involved suspects described as black by their
victims (or by witnesses, in the case of homicides). Hispanics,
he said, made up 30.5 percent of those stopped and 24.5 percent
of suspected offenders. For whites, he said, the numbers were
11.1 percent and 5.3 percent, respectively.
Mr. Browne said that aggressive street enforcement was
partly responsible for the increase in stop-and-frisks. Also, he
said, “careful accounting” of such encounters by the department
in recent years made the increase seem greater. “Part of it is
taking guns off the street and responding to complaints where we
use stop-and-frisk,” he said.
[Now are you getting the picture as
to the timing and reasons for the Victoria Police's fake
gun hysteria? First they need to create the climate of fear,
then they bring in the police state, one step up each time...
inch by inch... keep watching... its coming.]
It was unclear last night how much of the increase in stops
was due to suspected gun possession or how many led to gun
arrests. Mr. Browne could not confirm a direct line between gun
arrests and increases in stops, and said officers’ efforts to
take guns off the streets were just one facet of the
crime suppression the stop-and-frisk forms reflected.
The 2006 figures, delivered yesterday by two officers in
plain clothes, were contained in four books of about 250 pages
each. Councilman Peter F. Vallone Jr., chairman of the Council’s
public safety committee, said his staff was unable to interpret
the numbers immediately.
The department’s lag in releasing the numbers came to light
after the fatal shooting in November of another unarmed black
man, Sean Bell, and has been seized on by civil rights
advocates, academics and current and former government
officials. Mr. Bell’s death was not related to a stop-and-frisk
operation, but it has become a valve for frustrations over
relations between the police and minority residents. But members
of the City Council said they had been requesting the material
even before the Bell shooting.
Jeffrey Fagan, a professor of law and public health at
Columbia University who studied the issue in 1999 for Eliot
Spitzer, then the attorney general, said he was not surprised
that the number of stop-and-frisks went up “during a period of
no accountability.”
But, he added, “it is an astonishing fact that stop rates
went up by 500 percent when crime rates were flat.” Police
officials and a city lawyer said there were several reasons the
department had fallen behind in releasing the numbers. Compiling
the reports, they said, has been hampered by antiquated
technology, especially since the numbers have risen. The
department has been working to modernize its reporting system,
officials said, and has not been withholding the data
deliberately.
Some observers questioned whether producing data on street
stops remained on the department’s front burner during the age
of terrorism.
[Notice how this is terrorism issue
all of a sudden? Crime rates are flat, but anything goes in the
"age of terrorism"..... Watch for phrases like "in a post
911 world" or similar, because they nearly always accompany a
"justification" for increased police or government aggression.
The terrorism is real
alright, and its coming from your government.]
“I just don’t think it’s a priority,” Dr. Fagan said of the
data collection.
The total number of stops includes cases in which the
officers acted to prevent what could have been terrorist
activity, the police said. But those stops are relatively rare,
they said, and there is no separate category for keeping track
of them. Searches of subway riders’ bags are not considered
stop-and-frisk encounters because people willing to forgo entry
to the subway can decline them.
Joel Berger, who monitored matters of police conduct as an
executive in the city’s Law Department from 1988 to 1996, said:
“It is particularly frightening that the Police Department is
not following the statute that requires reporting on stop,
question and frisks. It is the thing that happens most often and
most troubles people, and the failure to report the numbers is,
effectively, very alarming.”
Mr. Spitzer first dug into the issue of street stops after
the Diallo shooting and found that Hispanics and blacks were
being disproportionately targeted. After adjusting for varying
crime rates among racial groups, his analysis found that blacks
were stopped 23 percent more often than whites. Hispanics were
stopped 39 percent more often than whites.
In the wake of those findings, the city signed a law allowing
the Council to collect the Police Department’s stop-and-frisk
data on a quarterly basis. Separately, the federal class-action
lawsuit, Daniels v. City of New York, alleged that the police
habitually used racial profiling in stop-and-frisk situations.
When the city’s corporation counsel settled the case in January
2004, the agreement required the police to disclose data on such
encounters through 2007.
The idea was that increased transparency about police stops
would not only foster analysis of one of the department’s most
crucial tactics for reducing crime, but also would help restore
the public’s trust.
Mr. Spitzer’s study reviewed police records known as UF-250s.
Officers must fill them out after making forcible stops,
including those in which a person is frisked or searched. His
report noted that officers did not always fill them out. The
form shows the race of the person stopped as well as the reason.
Under a system begun in the spring of 1999, police officials
said, forms completed at individual precincts were taken to 1
Police Plaza, where their 50 points of data were gathered.
Envisioning a daunting backlog, Mr. Kelly in 2005 directed that
the process be decentralized so that the raw data could be
recorded quickly, at the precinct level.
Mr. Kelly told officials at the Jan. 24 hearing that the data
for the remainder of 2003, and for all of 2004 and 2005, would
take longer to provide. That is “because it must be compiled
manually, rather than in a technologically advanced way,”
according to a letter sent Thursday from the Law Department to a
plaintiff in the federal case.
“We’ve been patiently waiting for years now,” Councilman
Vallone, told Mr. Kelly at the hearing. “We would again request
that you give us that information.”
For a time, the police gave the data to the City Council with
some regularity. But the frequency of the reports slowed, and in
February 2006, the department released data for the third
quarter of 2003.
Then, the flow of data stopped. Until yesterday.
But city leaders came under criticism as well for failing to
more forcefully demand the data. “The City Council has failed to
ensure that the Police Department is producing the reports, as
required by the statute,” said Christopher Dunn of the New York
Civil Liberties Union. “As a result, it has not been doing any
monitoring of stop-and-frisk activity, which was the very point
of the statute.”
_____
Across the country, police brutality and presence has quickly become a nuisance. [full story]