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The Court
Party
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Who will
free me from these turbulent judges?



B IAN HUNTER
Saturday, July 20, 2002 – Print Edition, Page A15
When the late senator Eugene Forsey, a fount of constitutional wisdom and
one of the grand old men of Canadian politics, first saw the Charter of
Rights and Freedoms, he predicted that it would prove to be "a field day for
crackpots . . . a headache for judges . . . and a gold mine for lawyers."
His words were certainly prophetic, but it turns out he was wrong about the
judges: The Charter did not give them headaches, it gave them power.
In the first Charter decade (1983-1993), the judges' official line was to
deny that anything much had changed. Courts had always reviewed the
constitutionality of legislation, so the argument ran, but now such review
extended beyond federal-provincial disputes to include substantive issues.
In the second decade, the chorus judicial changed its tune -- how could it
not when the principal conductor, then chief justice Antonio Lamer, publicly
conceded that the Charter had effected "a revolution" comparable to the
discovery of penicillin or the invention of the laser. Now the argument was:
Well, what's wrong with that? Wouldn't you rather trust judges than
politicians?
Well, no. The truth is, I don't trust either very much. But, with
politicians, I have the opportunity to try to persuade them to my way of
thinking; if I find that I cannot, then I have the chance to boot them out
of office.
Must interpreters for deaf patients be funded as a public health benefit?
Should abortion or euthanasia be legalized? Should spousal benefits be
extended to gays? Can Parliament define marriage? Should I be allowed to
possess kiddie porn if it is the only material that will excite my waning
libido?
The only judgment I trust on these, and similar, questions is my own. But
since I do not trust your judgment, I am prepared to abide by the least
offensive of several unpalatable choices and let the will of the majority
decide. In other words, I belong to a vanishing species in Canada -- a
democrat. I am particularly unenamoured of being governed by the views of
nine unelected men and women, all drawn from the same class and profession,
who happen, through a secretive and ideologically partisan process of
appointment, to find themselves occupying seats on the Supreme Court of
Canada.
But all that is water under the bridge. I recognize that the Charter is here
to stay. Having lost their taste for self-government, Canadians -- according
to polls -- actually like the Charter. It is, apparently, what makes them
most proud.
Until now, the unanswered question has been: Who has benefited from it?
Thanks to trenchant analysis, primarily by two political scientists at the
University of Calgary, Ted Morton and Rainer Knopff, we know the answer.
The beneficiary of the Charter revolution has been what Mr. Morton and Mr.
Knopff christened "the Court Party": special interest groups; politicians of
the left, particularly in the Liberal Party and the NDP, who use the courts
to advance an agenda that lacks public support; and the "progressive"
faculty in Canadian law schools.
The most important of the special interest groups to have benefited from the
Charter are the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund, the Canadian Civil
Liberties Association, and Equality for Gays and Lesbians Everywhere. There
are other beneficiaries as well, the common denominator being a
left-of-centre ideology. Such groups not only sponsor Charter challenges --
financed from the public purse, of course -- but intervene extensively in
other litigation. Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff demonstrate how "systematic
political litigation has increased dramatically under the Charter, and
systematic litigation lies at the heart of the Court Party."
To accommodate such litigation, the Court Party created the Charter
challenges program, and the Supreme Court relaxed or abandoned the rules
concerning standing and mootness, rules that once inhibited politicized
litigation. As Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff point out, the end result is that
"the nine Supreme Court justices are now positioned to have more influence
on how Canada is governed than are all the parliamentarians who sit outside
of cabinet."
As the power of the courts increase, the power of the citizen wanes. This
did not become an issue in the last federal election, but then again nothing
of substance did.
It is a pity that the Canadian Alliance has not taken a stand against the
power of the Court Party because it just might be an issue to which
Canadians would respond. Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff's findings, wrote Harvard
University legal scholar Mary Ann Glendon, "should be a wake-up call for
Canadians and others who still believe that one of our most important rights
is to have a say in setting the conditions under which we live, work, and
raise our children."
Mr. Hunter is
professor emeritus at the University of Western Ontario law school.
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Below is the Question November 6, 2000 (Canada's Chief Justice lends credence
to the charge that outsiders secretly influence the court.
Un-elected judges are implementing a radical social policy agenda
developed and promoted by socialists and other special interest groups who are
indifferent to our Rights.)"Dear Chief Justice McEachern,
Would you explain why some outside lobby groups can interfere in court
procedures, and this "notwithstanding clause," As it seems to me that the court
system is really being run by Lobbing Groups who promote "Bias"..."
Response from Chief Justice McEachern
Chief Justice McEachern's Response No. 35; November 14, 2000 - "The Court
Party"
A message asks for comments on two recent news stories: first, the published
views of University of Calgary Political Science Professor Ted Morton about the
"Court Party"; and second, the direction of the Chief Justice of Canada to law
professors not to send their published or unpublished writings on legal matters
to the court's law clerks. These are related, controversial matters upon which I
can only offer some information.
First, Professor Morton has coined the term "Court Party" to describe
unstructured collections of persons with well known agendas who, he suggests,
wish to influence the judges of the Supreme Court of Canada (and other judges as
well) towards a particular ideology. Generally speaking, these views tend to
support a Charter-activist approach to social issues. The so-called "feminist"
movement is but one of the leading groups identified by Professor Morton. His
view is that these "movements" prefer judicial activism -- bringing
controversial cases to the Court-- to the more conventional political or
parliamentary approach to social change through legislation. Hence the
description "Court Party". No such party, of course, exists in any of the usual
forms by which we would usually identify a political party.
There is no doubt that the trend of judicial decisions, led largely but not
entirely by the Supreme Court of Canada, has been to expand "Charter rights" and
to use the Charter for social purposes. Whether this is what the law really
requires, or whether it constitutes, in some cases, an intrusion into the proper
role of Parliament and the legislatures is a question that is being much debated
at the present time. In some cases, the Court may be doing only what it is
expected to do, that is to decide the cases before it. In other cases, some
think the Court has gone too far and should leave social reform to elected
legislators. On that question I express no opinion because to do so would
require me to agree or disagree with some Court decisions, and I should do that
only in the context of a case I am required to decide.
I can, however, give an example. In Mrs. Rodriguez's case, I held that a
section of the Criminal Code was unconstitutional because it purported to
prohibit her from getting assistance to commit suicide when her illness reached
the stage when she no longer wished to live. I thought this breached some of her
Charter rights. Mine, however, was a dissenting opinion. Both our Court of
Appeal and the Supreme Court of Canada, by majorities, upheld the validity of
the Criminal Code section. Was I being impermissibly "activist" or was I just
deciding the case as I thought it should be decided? Remember, those who say
these matters should be left to Parliament would give Mrs. Rodriguez no remedy
during her lifetime even if the Charter could be interpreted to give such a
right to her.
The judges of the Supreme Court of Canada and all other judges, of course,
are fully aware of the views of Professor Morton and others who share his views.
Some will regard some judicial decisions as impermissibly "activist", and others
will say the judges are just deciding the case before them. It must be expected
that judges will continue to decide cases as they think the cases should be
decided, and Parliament will always have the last word, if it wishes, either by
changing the law, or by exercising the "notwithstanding" clause in the Charter.
For a description of this clause, see Chapter 8, section 33 of the Compendium
that can be found on the home page of the British Columbia courts at:
http://www.courts.gov.bc.ca.
Turning to the second question of professorial influence, there can be no
doubt that the Supreme Court relies very heavily upon academic writing.
Unlike the lower courts, where academic writings are seldom mentioned, the
decisions of the Supreme Court are replete with references to what various
professors have said about the subject of the case being decided. In many
cases the judges cite more articles than decided cases as authorities for the
views they express, even though counsel may not have mentioned the articles
in their arguments as the case progressed through the courts. This is a marked
change from the former view that a judge should never rely upon the views of a
living author because he or she might undergo a change of mind. Reliance upon
academic opinion, however, is probably too well entrenched in our law to be
avoided.
Law clerks are graduates of law schools who have not yet been called to the
bar. Each judge of the Supreme Court of Canada has at least three law clerks to
assist in preparing for hearings and in drafting reasons for judgment. This is
now the rule in the American federal justice system where the judges have both
law clerks and staff lawyers to assist them, but this practice is largely
unknown in England. In Canada some provincial superior courts have very few or
no law clerks. In British Columbia, most appeal court judges usually share the
services of one clerk with another judge, but some judges do not use law clerks
at all. In our superior trial court, there is usually one law clerk to assist
four or five judges.
Law clerks are not expected to participate in the decisional process. They
are intended to be research assistants. One of the job functions of law clerks
in the Supreme Court of Canada is to bring relevant academic writings to the
attention of the judges because, as already mentioned, counsel do not usually
rely on academic writings to support their arguments. They are usually more
concerned with the particular facts of their cases and the existing law. More
and more, however, the Supreme Court of Canada, and indeed the justices of
the Supreme Court of the United States seem to be more influenced by the views
of social scientists than by the views of the lower courts or by the arguments
of lawyers.
What seems to have happened is that some professors, knowing which cases are
pending before the court, have sent some of their published or unpublished
writings to law clerks who may be known to them, obviously for the purpose of
informing or influencing them. Whether any such information has been passed on
to judges by the clerks is not known. If it was, it may have breached the
well-known rule that no one should attempt to influence a judge. It must be
remembered, however, that published opinions may have been discovered by law
clerks anyway because that is one of the things they are expected to do.
It is understood, however, that sending material to law clerks only happened
on a very few occasions, and once the practice became known, the Chief Justice
acted swiftly in directing the academic community to discontinue sending any
material to law clerks. Presumably, this direction will be respected.
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Woman dragged from courtroom after disputing judge's authority
Thursday, May 04, 2006
Sarah MacDonald, The
StarPhoenix
A woman was dragged from a provincial courtroom
Wednesday, kicking so hard that her black sandals flew off and yelling at
the judge that her arrest for contempt of court was a violation of her
rights as a Christian.Karen Ponto, who faces two counts of
violating a child-custody order, appeared in Saskatoon provincial court to
elect trial by judge and jury or by judge alone. Instead, she refused to
acknowledge the court's authority because of her religious beliefs and was
charged with contempt of court and arrested.
Ponto, 42, was arrested in Gordon Head, B.C., on March 28 on
child-abduction charges. Ponto had been wanted on a Canada-wide warrant
since Jan. 29, when her children, now 11 and 13 years old, were taken from
Saskatoon. Their father has had sole custody since 1999.
During an appearance before a justice of the peace early Wednesday
afternoon, Ponto was called upon to choose whether she wanted a trial by
judge or by jury, but Ponto refused to approach the bench.
"Are you attempting to make a contract with me?" she asked.
The justice of the peace called on her again, but Ponto repeated the
question, ignoring the request that she come forward.
"As a Christian minister, this violates my beliefs and I don't
recognize the authority of this court," Ponto said, sitting firmly in her
chair.
Ponto is a member of the Church of the Ecumenical Redemption
International, a Christian denomination that does not believe in the
authority of the Canadian government. It also wishes to use the King James
Bible as the rule of law.
The justice of the peace delayed Ponto's appearance to later in the
afternoon, telling her that she would face a judge.
Ponto left the courtroom, and later returned for her next
appearance.
But when Judge Albert Lavoie called on Ponto, she still refused to
acknowledge the court's authority.
"Are you attempting to make a contract with me?" Ponto asked again.
Lavoie appeared frustrated by her question. "You and I have dealt
with this before," he said.
Lavoie told Ponto to follow the court procedures but she interrupted
him, saying that the process was against her beliefs.
Lavoie ordered the deputy sheriffs who oversee the court's security
to escort Ponto to the bench.
"I will not stand," Ponto said, telling Lavoie that he was violating
her right to religious freedom.
Lavoie told her that she should comply or he could have her remanded
for psychiatric testing.
"I do not acknowledge this," Ponto yelled, kicking off her black
sandals and trying to break free from the hold of the officers as they
pulled her out of the courtroom.
She is to return to court this morning on the previous charges of
child-abduction and on the new contempt of court charge.
samacdonald@sp.canwest.com
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