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The Court Party


Who will free me from these turbulent judges?
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B IAN HUNTER


Saturday, July 20, 2002 – Print Edition, Page A15


When the late senator Eugene Forsey, a fount of constitutional wisdom and one of the grand old men of Canadian politics, first saw the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, he predicted that it would prove to be "a field day for crackpots . . . a headache for judges . . . and a gold mine for lawyers." His words were certainly prophetic, but it turns out he was wrong about the judges: The Charter did not give them headaches, it gave them power.


In the first Charter decade (1983-1993), the judges' official line was to deny that anything much had changed. Courts had always reviewed the constitutionality of legislation, so the argument ran, but now such review extended beyond federal-provincial disputes to include substantive issues. In the second decade, the chorus judicial changed its tune -- how could it not when the principal conductor, then chief justice Antonio Lamer, publicly conceded that the Charter had effected "a revolution" comparable to the discovery of penicillin or the invention of the laser. Now the argument was: Well, what's wrong with that? Wouldn't you rather trust judges than politicians?


Well, no. The truth is, I don't trust either very much. But, with politicians, I have the opportunity to try to persuade them to my way of thinking; if I find that I cannot, then I have the chance to boot them out of office.
Must interpreters for deaf patients be funded as a public health benefit? Should abortion or euthanasia be legalized? Should spousal benefits be extended to gays? Can Parliament define marriage? Should I be allowed to possess kiddie porn if it is the only material that will excite my waning libido?


T
he only judgment I trust on these, and similar, questions is my own. But since I do not trust your judgment, I am prepared to abide by the least offensive of several unpalatable choices and let the will of the majority decide. In other words, I belong to a vanishing species in Canada -- a democrat. I am particularly unenamoured of being governed by the views of nine unelected men and women, all drawn from the same class and profession, who happen, through a secretive and ideologically partisan process of appointment, to find themselves occupying seats on the Supreme Court of Canada.


But all that is water under the bridge. I recognize that the Charter is here to stay. Having lost their taste for self-government, Canadians -- according to polls -- actually like the Charter. It is, apparently, what makes them most proud.


Until now, the unanswered question has been: Who has benefited from it? Thanks to trenchant analysis, primarily by two political scientists at the University of Calgary, Ted Morton and Rainer Knopff, we know the answer.
The beneficiary of the Charter revolution has been what Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff christened "the Court Party": special interest groups; politicians of the left, particularly in the Liberal Party and the NDP, who use the courts to advance an agenda that lacks public support; and the "progressive" faculty in Canadian law schools.

The most important of the special interest groups to have benefited from the Charter are the Women's Legal Education and Action Fund, the Canadian Civil Liberties Association, and Equality for Gays and Lesbians Everywhere. There are other beneficiaries as well, the common denominator being a left-of-centre ideology. Such groups not only sponsor Charter challenges -- financed from the public purse, of course -- but intervene extensively in other litigation. Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff demonstrate how "systematic political litigation has increased dramatically under the Charter, and systematic litigation lies at the heart of the Court Party."

To accommodate such litigation, the Court Party created the Charter challenges program, and the Supreme Court relaxed or abandoned the rules concerning standing and mootness, rules that once inhibited politicized litigation. As Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff point out, the end result is that "the nine Supreme Court justices are now positioned to have more influence on how Canada is governed than are all the parliamentarians who sit outside of cabinet."

As the power of the courts increase, the power of the citizen wanes. This did not become an issue in the last federal election, but then again nothing of substance did.

It is a pity that the Canadian Alliance has not taken a stand against the power of the Court Party because it just might be an issue to which Canadians would respond. Mr. Morton and Mr. Knopff's findings, wrote Harvard University legal scholar Mary Ann Glendon, "should be a wake-up call for Canadians and others who still believe that one of our most important rights is to have a say in setting the conditions under which we live, work, and raise our children."
 

Mr. Hunter is professor emeritus at the University of Western Ontario law school.

 


Below is the Question November 6, 2000 (Canada's Chief Justice lends credence to the charge that outsiders secretly influence the court. Un-elected judges are implementing a radical social policy agenda developed and promoted by socialists and other special interest groups who are indifferent to our Rights.)

"Dear Chief Justice McEachern,

Would you explain why some outside lobby groups can interfere in court procedures, and this "notwithstanding clause," As it seems to me that the court system is really being run by Lobbing Groups who promote "Bias"..."


Response from Chief Justice McEachern

Chief Justice McEachern's Response No. 35; November 14, 2000 - "The Court Party"

A message asks for comments on two recent news stories: first, the published views of University of Calgary Political Science Professor Ted Morton about the "Court Party"; and second, the direction of the Chief Justice of Canada to law professors not to send their published or unpublished writings on legal matters to the court's law clerks. These are related, controversial matters upon which I can only offer some information.

First, Professor Morton has coined the term "Court Party" to describe unstructured collections of persons with well known agendas who, he suggests, wish to influence the judges of the Supreme Court of Canada (and other judges as well) towards a particular ideology. Generally speaking, these views tend to support a Charter-activist approach to social issues. The so-called "feminist" movement is but one of the leading groups identified by Professor Morton. His view is that these "movements" prefer judicial activism -- bringing controversial cases to the Court-- to the more conventional political or parliamentary approach to social change through legislation. Hence the description "Court Party". No such party, of course, exists in any of the usual forms by which we would usually identify a political party. 

There is no doubt that the trend of judicial decisions, led largely but not entirely by the Supreme Court of Canada, has been to expand "Charter rights" and to use the Charter for social purposes. Whether this is what the law really requires, or whether it constitutes, in some cases, an intrusion into the proper role of Parliament and the legislatures is a question that is being much debated at the present time. In some cases, the Court may be doing only what it is expected to do, that is to decide the cases before it. In other cases, some think the Court has gone too far and should leave social reform to elected legislators. On that question I express no opinion because to do so would require me to agree or disagree with some Court decisions, and I should do that only in the context of a case I am required to decide.

I can, however, give an example. In Mrs. Rodriguez's case, I held that a section of the Criminal Code was unconstitutional because it purported to prohibit her from getting assistance to commit suicide when her illness reached the stage when she no longer wished to live. I thought this breached some of her Charter rights. Mine, however, was a dissenting opinion. Both our Court of Appeal and the Supreme Court of Canada, by majorities, upheld the validity of the Criminal Code section. Was I being impermissibly "activist" or was I just deciding the case as I thought it should be decided? Remember, those who say these matters should be left to Parliament would give Mrs. Rodriguez no remedy during her lifetime even if the Charter could be interpreted to give such a right to her.

The judges of the Supreme Court of Canada and all other judges, of course, are fully aware of the views of Professor Morton and others who share his views. Some will regard some judicial decisions as impermissibly "activist", and others will say the judges are just deciding the case before them. It must be expected that judges will continue to decide cases as they think the cases should be decided, and Parliament will always have the last word, if it wishes, either by changing the law, or by exercising the "notwithstanding" clause in the Charter. For a description of this clause, see Chapter 8, section 33 of the Compendium that can be found on the home page of the British Columbia courts at: http://www.courts.gov.bc.ca.

Turning to the second question of professorial influence, there can be no doubt that the Supreme Court relies very heavily upon academic writing. Unlike the lower courts, where academic writings are seldom mentioned, the decisions of the Supreme Court are replete with references to what various professors have said about the subject of the case being decided. In many cases the judges cite more articles than decided cases as authorities for the views they express, even though counsel may not have mentioned the articles in their arguments as the case progressed through the courts. This is a marked change from the former view that a judge should never rely upon the views of a living author because he or she might undergo a change of mind. Reliance upon academic opinion, however, is probably too well entrenched in our law to be avoided.

Law clerks are graduates of law schools who have not yet been called to the bar. Each judge of the Supreme Court of Canada has at least three law clerks to assist in preparing for hearings and in drafting reasons for judgment. This is now the rule in the American federal justice system where the judges have both law clerks and staff lawyers to assist them, but this practice is largely unknown in England. In Canada some provincial superior courts have very few or no law clerks. In British Columbia, most appeal court judges usually share the services of one clerk with another judge, but some judges do not use law clerks at all. In our superior trial court, there is usually one law clerk to assist four or five judges.

Law clerks are not expected to participate in the decisional process. They are intended to be research assistants. One of the job functions of law clerks in the Supreme Court of Canada is to bring relevant academic writings to the attention of the judges because, as already mentioned, counsel do not usually rely on academic writings to support their arguments. They are usually more concerned with the particular facts of their cases and the existing law. More and more, however, the Supreme Court of Canada, and indeed the justices of the Supreme Court of the United States seem to be more influenced by the views of social scientists than by the views of the lower courts or by the arguments of lawyers. 

What seems to have happened is that some professors, knowing which cases are pending before the court, have sent some of their published or unpublished writings to law clerks who may be known to them, obviously for the purpose of informing or influencing them. Whether any such information has been passed on to judges by the clerks is not known. If it was, it may have breached the well-known rule that no one should attempt to influence a judge. It must be remembered, however, that published opinions may have been discovered by law clerks anyway because that is one of the things they are expected to do.

It is understood, however, that sending material to law clerks only happened on a very few occasions, and once the practice became known, the Chief Justice acted swiftly in directing the academic community to discontinue sending any material to law clerks. Presumably, this direction will be respected.

 

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Woman dragged from courtroom after disputing judge's authority

Sarah MacDonald, The StarPhoenix
 

A woman was dragged from a provincial courtroom Wednesday, kicking so hard that her black sandals flew off and yelling at the judge that her arrest for contempt of court was a violation of her rights as a Christian.

Karen Ponto, who faces two counts of violating a child-custody order, appeared in Saskatoon provincial court to elect trial by judge and jury or by judge alone. Instead, she refused to acknowledge the court's authority because of her religious beliefs and was charged with contempt of court and arrested.

Ponto, 42, was arrested in Gordon Head, B.C., on March 28 on child-abduction charges. Ponto had been wanted on a Canada-wide warrant since Jan. 29, when her children, now 11 and 13 years old, were taken from Saskatoon. Their father has had sole custody since 1999.

During an appearance before a justice of the peace early Wednesday afternoon, Ponto was called upon to choose whether she wanted a trial by judge or by jury, but Ponto refused to approach the bench.

"Are you attempting to make a contract with me?" she asked.

The justice of the peace called on her again, but Ponto repeated the question, ignoring the request that she come forward.

"As a Christian minister, this violates my beliefs and I don't recognize the authority of this court," Ponto said, sitting firmly in her chair.

Ponto is a member of the Church of the Ecumenical Redemption International, a Christian denomination that does not believe in the authority of the Canadian government. It also wishes to use the King James Bible as the rule of law.

The justice of the peace delayed Ponto's appearance to later in the afternoon, telling her that she would face a judge.

Ponto left the courtroom, and later returned for her next appearance.

But when Judge Albert Lavoie called on Ponto, she still refused to acknowledge the court's authority.

"Are you attempting to make a contract with me?" Ponto asked again.

Lavoie appeared frustrated by her question. "You and I have dealt with this before," he said.

Lavoie told Ponto to follow the court procedures but she interrupted him, saying that the process was against her beliefs.

Lavoie ordered the deputy sheriffs who oversee the court's security to escort Ponto to the bench.

"I will not stand," Ponto said, telling Lavoie that he was violating her right to religious freedom.

Lavoie told her that she should comply or he could have her remanded for psychiatric testing.

"I do not acknowledge this," Ponto yelled, kicking off her black sandals and trying to break free from the hold of the officers as they pulled her out of the courtroom.

She is to return to court this morning on the previous charges of child-abduction and on the new contempt of court charge.

samacdonald@sp.canwest.com