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Attorney
general shows himself as a menace to liberty
LA Times 08/14/02: Jonathon Turley
Original Link:
http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-oe-turley14aug14.story
(removed)
Photo of
concentration camp located in Michigan.
Atty.
Gen. John Ashcroft's announced desire for camps for U.S. citizens he deems to
be "enemy combatants" has moved him from merely being a political
embarrassment to being a constitutional menace.
Ashcroft's plan, disclosed last week but little publicized, would allow him to
order the indefinite incarceration of U.S. citizens and summarily strip them
of their constitutional rights and access to the courts by declaring them
enemy combatants.
The proposed camp plan should trigger immediate congressional hearings and
reconsideration of Ashcroft's fitness for this important office. Whereas Al
Qaeda is a threat to the lives of our citizens, Ashcroft has become a clear
and present threat to our liberties.
The camp plan was forged at an optimistic time for Ashcroft's small inner
circle, which has been carefully watching two test cases to see whether this
vision could become a reality. The cases of Jose Padilla and Yaser Esam Hamdi
will determine whether U.S. citizens can be held without charges and subject
to the arbitrary and unchecked authority of the government.
Hamdi has been held without charge even though the facts of his case are
virtually identical to those in the case of John Walker Lindh. Both Hamdi and
Lindh were captured in Afghanistan as foot soldiers in Taliban units. Yet
Lindh was given a lawyer and a trial, while Hamdi rots in a floating Navy brig
in Norfolk, Va.
This week, the government refused to comply with a federal judge who ordered
that he be given the underlying evidence justifying Hamdi's treatment. The
Justice Department has insisted that the judge must simply accept its
declaration and cannot interfere with the president's absolute authority in "a
time of war."
In Padilla's case, Ashcroft initially claimed that the arrest stopped a plan
to detonate a radioactive bomb in New York or Washington, D.C. The
administration later issued an embarrassing correction that there was no
evidence Padilla was on such a mission. What is clear is that Padilla is an
American citizen and was arrested in the United States--two facts that should
trigger the full application of constitutional rights.
Ashcroft hopes to use his self-made "enemy combatant" stamp for any citizen
whom he deems to be part of a wider terrorist conspiracy.
Perhaps because of his discredited claims of preventing radiological
terrorism, aides have indicated that a "high-level committee" will recommend
which citizens are to be stripped of their constitutional rights and sent to
Ashcroft's new camps.
Few would have imagined any attorney general seeking to reestablish such camps
for citizens. Of course, Ashcroft is not considering camps on the order of the
internment camps used to incarcerate Japanese American citizens in World War
II. But he can be credited only with thinking smaller; we have learned from
painful experience that unchecked authority, once tasted, easily becomes
insatiable.
We are only now getting a full vision of Ashcroft's America. Some of his
predecessors dreamed of creating a great society or a nation unfettered by
racism. Ashcroft seems to dream of a country secured from itself, neatly
contained and controlled by his judgment of loyalty.
For more than 200 years, security and liberty have been viewed as coexistent
values. Ashcroft and his aides appear to view this relationship as lineal,
where security must precede liberty.
Since the nation will never be entirely safe from terrorism, liberty has
become a mere rhetorical justification for increased security.
Ashcroft is a catalyst for constitutional devolution, encouraging citizens to
accept autocratic rule as their only way of avoiding massive terrorist
attacks.
His greatest problem has been preserving a level of panic and fear that would
induce a free people to surrender the rights so dearly won by their ancestors.
In "A Man for All Seasons," Sir Thomas More was confronted by a young lawyer,
Will Roper, who sought his daughter's hand. Roper proclaimed that he would cut
down every law in England to get after the devil.
More's response seems almost tailored for Ashcroft: "And when the last law was
down and the devil turned round on you, where would you hide, Roper, the laws
all being flat? ... This country's planted thick with laws from coast to coast
... and if you cut them down--and you are just the man to do it--do you really
think you could stand upright in the winds that would blow then?"
Every generation has had Ropers and Ashcrofts who view our laws and traditions
as mere obstructions rather than protections in times of peril. But before we
allow Ashcroft to denude our own constitutional landscape, we must take a
stand and have the courage to say, "Enough."
Every generation has its test of principle in which people of good faith can
no longer remain silent in the face of authoritarian ambition. If we cannot
join together to fight the abomination of American camps, we have already lost
what we are defending.
U.S. preparing for lifetime jailing of "terror
suspects" without trial
 
Another photo of one of some 600 remote prison camps,
located in US, and ready to go.
Washington Post | January 2, 2005
WASHINGTON - Administration officials are preparing long-range plans for
indefinitely imprisoning suspected terrorists whom they do not want to set
free or turn over to courts in the United States or other countries, according
to intelligence, defense and diplomatic officials.
The Pentagon and the CIA have asked the White House to decide on a more
permanent approach for potentially lifetime detentions, including for hundreds
of people now in military and CIA custody whom the government does not have
enough evidence to charge in courts. The outcome of the review, which also
involves the State Department, also would affect those expected to be captured
in the course of future counterterrorism operations.
"We've been operating in the moment because that's what has been required,"
said a senior administration official who said the current detention system
has strained relations between the United States and other countries. "Now we
can take a breath. We have the ability and need to look at long-term
solutions."
One proposal is the transfer of large numbers of Afghan, Saudi and Yemeni
detainees from the military's Guantánamo Bay, Cuba, detention center into new
U.S.-built prisons in their home countries. The prisons would be operated by
those countries, but the State Department, where this idea originated, would
ask them to abide by recognized human-rights standards and would monitor
compliance, the senior administration official said.
As part of a solution, the Defense Department, which holds 500 prisoners at
Guantánamo Bay, plans to ask Congress for $25 million to build a 200-bed
prison to hold detainees who are unlikely to ever go through a military
tribunal for lack of evidence, defense officials said.
The new prison, dubbed Camp 6, would allow inmates more
comfort and freedom than they have now, and would be designed for prisoners
whom the government believes have no more intelligence to share, the officials
said. It would be modeled on a U.S. prison and would allow socializing among
inmates.
"Since global war on terror is a long-term effort, it makes sense for us to be
looking at solutions for long-term problems," Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman
said. "This has been evolutionary, but we are at a point in time where we have
to say, 'How do you deal with them in the long term?' "
The administration considers its toughest detention problem to involve
prisoners held by the CIA. The agency has been scurrying since Sept. 11, 2001,
to find secure locations abroad where it could detain and interrogate captives
without risk of discovery, and without having to give them access to legal
proceedings.
Little is known about the CIA's captives, the conditions under which they are
kept - or the procedures used to decide how long they are held or when they
may be freed. That has prompted criticism from human-rights groups, and from
some in Congress and the administration.
Rep. Jane Harman, D-Calif., vice chairman of the House intelligence committee
who has received classified briefings on CIA detainees and interrogation
methods, said "I think there should be a public debate about whether the
entire system should be secret.
"The details about the system may need to remain secret," Harman said. At the
least, she said, each detainee should be registered so that their treatment
can be tracked and monitored. "This is complicated. We don't want to set up a
bureaucracy that ends up making it impossible to protect sources and
informants who operate within the groups we want to penetrate."
The CIA is believed to be holding fewer than three dozen al-Qaida leaders in
prison. The agency holds most, if not all, of the top captured al-Qaida
leaders, including Khalid Shaikh Mohammed, Ramzi Binalshibh, Abu Zubaida and
the lead Southeast Asia terrorist, Riduan Isamuddin, known as Hambali.
CIA detention facilities have been located on an off-limits corner of the
Bagram air base in Afghanistan, on ships at sea, and on Britain's Diego Garcia
island in the Indian Ocean. The Washington Post reported last month that the
CIA also has maintained a facility within the Guantánamo Bay complex, although
it is unclear whether it still is in use.
In contrast to the CIA, the military produced and declassified hundreds of
pages of documents about its detention and interrogation procedures after the
Abu Ghraib prison scandal. And military detainees are guaranteed access to the
International Committee of the Red Cross and, as a result of a Supreme Court
ruling, have the right to challenge their imprisonment in federal court.
But no public hearings in Congress have been held on CIA detention
practices.
The CIA had floated a proposal to build a prison with the intent of keeping it
secret, one intelligence official said. That was dismissed as impractical.
One approach used by the CIA has been to transfer captives to third
countries willing to hold them indefinitely and without public proceedings,
with access for interrogation by CIA and foreign liaison officers.
The practice, called "renditions," has been criticized by civil-liberties
groups and others, who note that some of the countries have human-rights
records that are criticized by the State Department.
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